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Silk and Memes
Xinru Liu’s
Silk and Religion
For someone interested in the
topic, Xinru Liu’s Silk and Religion[i]
provides not only solid scholarly work,
but (equally important) a lot of interesting anecdotes and tidbits of
trivia -- e.g., Bishop Liutprand’s arrest by the Byzantines for
trying to smuggle out holy tapestries, or the Venetian abduction of St.
Mark’s remains from Alexandria.
Her basic story is about the
Eurasian silk trade between about 600 AD and about 1200 AD. She shows how
silk came to be one of the chief markers of wealth, holiness and high status from
one end of Eurasia to another, often even functioning as a form of
currency rather than as a trade item.
She gives special attention to the
connections between silk, elaborate funeral ceremonies, and relic-worship
both in the Buddhist world of China, Central Asia and India, and also in
Christian Byzantium and Western Europe. (In the Muslim world tombs were
also worshipped, but Liu does not mention silk as part of this Muslim
practice).
Several points occurred to me as I
read this book. One is that terms like “Christianity” are pretty nominal.
While it might just barely be possible, by studying elite statements of
doctrine, to construct an intelligible story of what Christianity has been
for the last two thousand years, once you look at popular practices,
whatever coherence you found that way will disappear. Relic-worship and
related practices are not part of the scriptures of Buddhism,
Christianity, or Islam, and insofar as they relate to these three
doctrines, they seem more to be contrary to them than otherwise. And in fact
these practices, which were heavily intertwined with magic and
superstition, were often condemned by the orthodox when they first
appeared.[iii]
Second, during much of the story
it is sometimes hard to distinguish between religion, politics, trade,
wartime looting, and even banditry. A traveller seeking silk, sutras, or
relics might be a pilgrim, an ambassador, a soldier, or a merchant, and he
might obtain them (often in exchange for something of value) from a
monastery, a prince, a merchant, or a thief. While relics and sutras got
some of their merit from the purity of their origins, they also were
regarded as having magical powers of purification -- and while superstition
inhibited some bandits and burglars, it didn't affect all of them, so
there was a considerable black market in holy objects.[iv]
In all three cultural zones,
religion performed state functions, and the state claimed religious
sanction and subsidized organized religion. The church and the state were
competing and interdependent forms of elite order which usually cooperated
in trying as best they could to control or accommodate the actual popular
practices. During the periods of political disunity, religion seems to have
made international trade (specifically the silk trade) possible even in
the absence of political order, and the silk trade continued even during
the European Dark Ages and during the three centuries of Chinese disunity
which followed the fall of the Han. When unifiers like Charlemagne came
along, they allied
themselves with the established religious leaders, supporting and
protecting them in return for legitimation. And religious orthodoxy, when
there was any, seems usually to have been the result of state
enforcement and appeared only after political unity has been achieved.[v]
Finally, long-distance trade seems
especially susceptible to analysis as the diffusion of memes.[vi]
China, India, the Islamic world,
Byzantium, and Catholic Europe -- especially China and Europe --
were, on the whole, isolated from one another, with only little windows of
trade. (Before Marco Polo’s age there is no record of person-to-person
communication between Chinese and Europeans). Thus, the specifics
transmitted can be more easily disentangled during the early period than in the
later case of massive
influence.
These
meme transmissions are not limited to mere physical artifacts. From Liu’s
presentation it seems that not only silk, but also the use of silk as
winding sheets or grave goods in elite funerals spread west from China to
the other cultural areas, and it seems possible that aspects of the cult
of relics also spread west from the Buddhist or the Chinese world. In the
other direction, purple silk, which had long been a preeminent luxury
product in Rome (and the stereotype symbol for luxurious excess)[vii],
and which had eventually come to be reserved for royalty and the highest
clergy, was promoted during the internationalist Buddhist T’ang dynasty in
China from its former rather lowly position in court ceremonial to the
second most exalted place in the heierarchy.
There’s a lot more in this book,
as well as in Liu’s other book about the ancient relations between India
and China, so if you’re at all interested in the topic, I highly recommend
them both.
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NOTES
[i]
Liu Xinru, Silk and Religion, Oxford, 1996.
Her other book is Ancient India and Ancient China, Oxford,
1988. Another excellent, somewhat similar book about a later period is
Janet Abu-Lughod’s Before European Hegemony (Oxford, 1989.)
[no ii]
[iii]
Matthew 23:27 seems particularly inhospitable to relic worship: “Woe
unto you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! for ye are like unto
whited sepulchres, which indeed appear beautiful outward, but are
within full of dead men's bones, and of all uncleanness.”
Liu gives examples of churchmen adapting themselves to pre-Christian
practice, as do Richard Fletcher (The Barbarian Conversion,
California, 1997) James C. Russell (The Germanization of Early
Medieval Christianity, Oxford, 1994).
Steven Sangren (History and Magical Power in a Chinese Community,
Stanford, 1987) and Maurice Bloch and Jonathan Parry (Death and the
Regeneration of Life, Cambridge, 1982) describe many different
cultures' popular beliefs about the magical powers residing in human
relics. Some of these beliefs come from entirely outside the zone of
civilized religion, and it’s reasonable to conclude that these were
widespread archaic beliefs which the founders (Buddha, Jesus, and
Muhammed) and their elite followers were not fully able to overcome.
Bloch and Parry hypothesize that elaborate funerals and worship of
relics and graves correlate with agriculture and with landownership as
the standard of wealth. Chinese studies have similiarly concluded that
the more elaborate forms of ancestor worship are practiced mostly by
wealthy families which benefit economically
if the land inherited from the ancestors is collectively owned.
(For Confucians, the kinds of theologically-suspect funerary practices
Liu discusses are orthodox, since Confucius intended to revive and
reform traditional practices, rather than to found a new religion as
the others did.)
[iv]
What Karl Polanyi (Trade and Market in the Early
Empires, Gateway, 1957) says about the different forms of
pre-modern trade is relevant here.
[v]
The roles of Constantine, Charlemagne,
Kanishka, Asoka, and others in the establishment of orthodoxy are well
known, and the Christianization of Scandinavia was a royal project
with diplomatic overtones (as was that of Lithuania). I think that Tibetan
religion, in its astonishing diversity, also follows the model I have suggested. During much of
history the Tibetan government has been weak, and it has been
suggested that Tibet was, in fact, a stateless society. The supposed
primacy of the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama (and the doctrines they
follow) is a function of their relationship to China, and is
significant to the extent that China is in control. (The first Dalai
Lama was established by Chinggis Qan, and “Dalai” in fact is a Mongol
word). Other religious sects do not necessarily acknowledge the
religious primacy of these two men and their monasteries, and there
are many individuals creditted with religious powers whose
relationship to any of the sects is uncertain.. (Jeffrey
Samuel, Civilized Shamans, Smithsonian, 1993; "Tibet as a
Stateless Society and Some Islamic Parallels", Journal of Asian
Studies, XLI No. 2, February 1982, pp. 215-229).
[vi]
“Meme” in
educated pop English just means “some phrase which disseminates very
quickly, even among people who don’t understand it”. This usage is
subtly pejorative, meaning something like “cliché”, and is mostly used
for what might be called neo-clichés. However, “memes” are not just
ideas, but can be any item which is culturally rather than genetically
transmitted: agricultural practices, weapons, tools, materials, forms
of government, scientific theories, new crops, ways of cooking, and so
on.
Originally it was hoped that memes
would have that analytic power that atoms and genes have in their
respective areas of study, and when this turned out not to be true it
was sometimes concluded that the "meme" meme really isn’t worth
much. However, I disagree. One value of memetics is that it allows
the separate discussion of natural and cultural causation. While the
form of the concept is taken from genetics, what it actually does is
to separate cultural history from biological evolution, and the idea
that memetics is a form of genetic reductionism is the opposite of the
truth.
The big value of memetics, in my opinion, is that
it provides an escape from cultural holism, and allows you to treat
quantums of culture as units. A memic description of the cultural
transmissions between China and Catholic Europe before Marco Polo
would consist of a manageably small number of elements. When
discussing the Buddhist influence on China, for example, the number of
units would be much larger, and when discussing the Sinification of
Japan the meme-count would be enormous. Even in the case of Japan,
however, it would be possible to look for Chinese memes which did not
come across, and compare them to those which did, and similarly to
look at old-Japanese non-Chinese memes which survived, and compare
them to the ones which perished. This strikes me as a potentially
productive way of looking at intercultural exchange.
[vii]
For example, Statius:
“….et altis ipsa toris
Serum Tyrioque umbrata recumbit tegmine….”
“On a raised bed, the work of
the Seres [Chinese], she rested under the purple of Tyre.”
"Seres" means "people of silk".
(George Coedes, Testimonia
of Greek and Latin Writers on the Lands and Peoples of the Far East,
Ares reprint, 1979, p. 20).
.
All original material copyright John J.
Emerson
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